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In many countries, the extent to which immigration affects the labour market of the host economy is one of the key concerns in the public debate on immigration policies. Chapter 2 of this thesis provides a thorough review of the economic literature on the labour market impact of immigration and summarises the current empirical evidence. Chapter 3 investigates the impact of immigrants on the German labour market during the 1990s. This analysis takes advantage of a natural experiment in which a particular group of immigrants was exogenously allocated to specific regions across the country by the government. The empirical analysis focuses on the effect of these exogenous inflows on relative skill-specific employment and wage rates of the resident population. Chapter 4 of the thesis investigates how industries and firms respond to a change in the skill mix of local labour supply induced by an inflow of immigrants. One way to absorb these changes is an expansion in size of those industries and firms that use the corresponding skill group most intensively. Alternatively, in dustries and firms can adjust their production process and switch to a technology that uses the corresponding skill group more intensively. Based on German micro data, the analysis assesses which of these channels is dominant and quantifies their relative contributions. One of the key assumptions in many impact analyses is that natives and immigrants of the same observable skill level are perfect substitutes in the labour market and are thus equally affected by aggregate economic shocks. Chapter 5 of the thesis tests this assumption by analysing the way different immigrant groups in Germany and the UK respond to the economic cycle relative to comparable native workers.

It's hard to deny that the historically intense distrust between the United States and Iran helps motivate some of the anti-deal sentiment in each country. It's also, however, this same shared history of suspicion that may hold some of the most import-ant insights about the deal itself. The context for this understanding is the thread of Iranian-Western relations through the ages of colonialism and decolonization, the Islamic Revolution, and the formation of the current regime in Iran. A further layer of complexity in looking at the nuclear negotiations is added with the consideration of the contemporary social and political atmosphere in the Iranian domestic sphere. This often-overlooked background speaks of a situation far more complex than what many who oppose the accords seem to entertain and that must be taken into account if the United States and the West want to see long-term diplomatic success with Iran.

Friendship between France and Germany, which was one of the primary factors behind the European recovery after World War II, has begun, ever so slightly, to change in the face of a stagnant and far less impressive economic recovery from the most recent global financial crisis. The new strain on Franco- German relations, and the new threat to European economic stability, is becoming particularly apparent under the presidency of François Hollande, France's current Socialist executive. As a result of German interests in implementing Europe-wide austerity policies, and the weak and seemingly ineffective centrist leadership under Hollande, significant changes seem almost inevitable.

The Charlie Hebdo attack and its aftermath was the most significant France had experienced since a 1962 train bombing — related to the war in Algeria — outside Paris. Moreover, it seems altogether foreign and incomprehensible to the relatively liberal standards of our society that the motivation for such atrocious violence was vengeance for the mere act, conflated into a crime, of drawing a cartoon. While it may seem natural to most Westerners, the response to the Jan. 7 attacks looks almost absurd when approached from a different point of view. Rénald Luzier, the figure behind the cartoon that seemed to spur controversy, himself highlights the irony of Western leaders — who more often than not look at satirists like those employed at Charlie Hebdo as "agitators" — declaring the slain satirists "white knights defending free speech". The definitive characteristic transformed a weekly burlesque, whose parent publication described itself as a "stupid and vicious magazine", into a hero of modernity. This reflects, quite simply, a feeling throughout the Western world that intrinsic rights are under attack.

It's hard to deny that the historically intense distrust between the United States and Iran helps motivate some of the anti-deal sentiment in each country. It's also, however, this same shared history of suspicion that may hold some of the most import-ant insights about the deal itself. The context for this understanding is the thread of Iranian-Western relations through the ages of colonialism and decolonization, the Islamic Revolution, and the formation of the current regime in Iran. A further layer of complexity in looking at the nuclear negotiations is added with the consideration of the contemporary social and political atmosphere in the Iranian domestic sphere. This often-overlooked background speaks of a situation far more complex than what many who oppose the accords seem to entertain and that must be taken into account if the United States and the West want to see long-term diplomatic success with Iran.

Im März hat sich Südafrika als Gastgeber des Gipfeltreffens der BRICS-Staaten präsentiert. In Durban standen die Beziehungen der fünf Schwellenländer Brasilien, Russland, Indien, China und Südafrika zu den afrikanischen Staaten im Mittelpunkt. Südafrika nutzte die Gelegenheit für eine Selbstdarstellung als Eintrittstor zum afrikanischen Kontinent, um seine wirtschaftliche Außenseiterrolle unter den rasant wachsenden Schwellenländern zu überwinden. (KAS-Auslandsinformationen / SWP)

"Im März hat sich Südafrika als Gastgeber des Gipfeltreffens der BRICS-Staaten präsentiert. In Durban standen die Beziehungen der fünf Schwellenländer Brasilien, Russland, Indien, China und Südafrika zu den afrikanischen Staaten im Mittelpunkt. Südafrika nutzte die Gelegenheit für eine Selbstdarstellung als Eintrittstor zum afrikanischen Kontinent, um seine wirtschaftliche Außenseiterrolle unter den rasant wachsenden Schwellenländern zu überwinden." (Autorenreferat)